Constantine's Sword
Week of Monday, October 22, 2001
The last few years have witnessed a spate of books that explore
the complicity of the Christian church in the Holocaust.1
A significant
part of this story (but not the only story), we Christians must admit,
“forms a devastating pattern of compromise, prejudice, self-interest,
silence, passivity, and even criminal behavior.”
2 James Carroll, a
National Book Award winner for his American Requiem and a columnist for
the Boston Globe, recently spoke at Stanford
(September 17, 2001) about
his own contribution to this genre, Constantine's Sword: The Church and
the Jews (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2001, 756 pages).
Carroll's book is as much personal memoir as it is history. As a
social liberal who protested the Vietnam war, an ex-priest, the son of a
pious Catholic mother and prominent general in the military, Carroll
admits that the book is a personal exorcism of sorts or examination of his
troubled Catholic conscience. Throughout the text he includes personal
experiences about the subject, concluding with “the shock of my own
complicity with evil.” This autobiographical element is in some ways the
most interesting aspect of his book, for Carroll clearly is a man of faith
who loves the church but who also struggles to reconcile his faith with
the critical faults of the church. That is something all Christians
should do. But his autobiographical method is also problematic and
irritating, for despite his denials, he insinuates that the story of
Christian anti-semitism he is retelling “depends upon, and is precisely
coincident with, one's own dawning insights.” In the end, I found
Carroll's well-intended mea culpa off-putting, “smug, sanctimonious, and
unctuous.”3
The sweeping history Carroll narrates—beginning with the New
Testament era and ending with World War II—is tragic, and we Christians
would do well to take our bitter medicine of repentance. The rehearsals
of the Crusades, the Inquisitions, Luther's diatribes, Jewish expulsions
from Spain and ghettos in Rome, etc. all make for dispiriting reading.
But Carroll does not tell us anything new here or anything that others
have not already documented. His narrative depends upon secondary sources,
selectively chosen to support his thesis that deeply embedded in the
founding documents of Christianity, and then in its ensuing tradition and
history, is a virulent anti-semitism that made the Holocaust possible.
For example, in his treatment of Pius XII, who served as Pope from
1938–1945, he depends heavily upon Cornwell's work to the neglect of
other, more charitable readings such as Rychlak. Carroll's only
historical interest is to reveal the church's worst abuses; his singular
focus on Christian anti-semitism ignores any multifaceted inquiry that
would examine other contributing factors to the Holocaust (economics,
politics, culture, etc.). In short, Carroll's attempt at doing a history
of Christian anti-semitism comes off as deeply personal, reductionistic,
and polemical.
Several times Carroll suggests that, had different paths been
taken, this history could have been different and the Holocaust could have
been averted; that is, he wants to avoid a deterministic view of history
in which moral choices do not matter. But in fact, precisely here a
contradiction arises, for he also insinuates that virulent anti-semitism
necessarily inheres in and flows from the traditional Christian story.
That is, he tries to identify a theological basis for the tragic
history. Like his history, the theological sources he uses to make this
point are selective, radically critical and polemical (eg, the Jesus
Seminar, Rosemary Ruether). The Christian story as it is traditionally
understood is hopelessly anti-semitic and therefore must be jettisoned in
favor of a comprehensive revision of its core beliefs and practices.
Does violent anti-semitism inhere in traditional Christian
theology? Others have made this point, and there are some critical issues
to explore (eg, especially the Gospel of John). But suffice it to say that
many other theologians come to conclusions different from Carroll's
radical and self-serving sample. Related, and perhaps even more
important, is his attempt to draw a straight line of inference from these
theological beliefs to the historical events of the Holocaust. That, I
think, is difficult if not impossible to do. One might embrace an
inherently anti-semitic Gospel but still not share the degree of moral
complicity in the Holocaust that Carroll tries to establish.
Further, crucial to his argument that traditional theology
necessarily leads to tragic history is the matter of collective guilt. He
admits a distinction between the unique responsibility of the Nazi
perpetrators and the Christian attitudes that prepared and even fostered
the genocide, but for Carroll this line is blurred. He insists that the
collective, institutional “church as such,” and not merely errant
individuals, are “co-responsible” for the Holocaust (and thus his call for
a Vatican III to make radical ecclesiastical revisions).
Is the collective church institution, Christianity as such (or for that
matter collective Germany of that time), guilty of the Holocaust? Here I
would make three observations.
First, this is precisely the argument that many intellectuals
refuse to make right now about Islam. That is, we insist that it is not
Islam per se, but a fringe minority of radical extremists who are guilty
for the terrorist bombings. In the wake of the September 11 tragedies, we
insist that genuine Islam is peaceful and loving, and that we must not and
cannot draw a straight line from its fundamental theological story to the
tragic historical events. If that logic is fair for the Muslim it is fair
for the Christian, at least until a compelling argument is made to the
contrary.
But in his remarks at Stanford, Carroll confused the matter at
precisely this point. In fact, he said, we must not appeal to any notion
of “Islam as such” to excuse the bombings, for to do so evades the
necessity of individual responsibility and the possibility for religion to
be self-critical. That is, in some sense we must understand those acts of
Islamic violence as endemic and somehow a normal part of the religious
tradition. I agree at this point with Carroll, but he can't play it both
ways, that is, criticizing the collective church “as such” instead of
individual acts of misguided people, and then rejecting that same appeal
to ensure moral culpability. The larger question he raised here in his
Stanford remarks (but not in his book), although he did not develop the
point, is why violence does in fact seem to inhere in all religious
traditions.
Thirdly, a personal anecdote. I used to teach a class on social
ethics at a very conservative Christian college, and every semester I
would have a Holocaust survivor come to the class to tell his story. A
problem arose when a young student from Germany became visibly disturbed
with the notion that somehow she, too, might be guilty along with the
German collective. But my Jewish friend Nate responded by assuring
Christine that he categorically rejected the idea of collective guilt. He
then told this story from his days in the concentration camps.
While stacking boxes at a warehouse one day, a Nazi soldier
motioned for Nate to take a small sandwich that had been hidden among the
boxes. Nate refused, thinking it was a trap for which he would be punished
or murdered. But the guard insistently nodded his head, so he finally took
the sandwich. As Nate walked out the door with his next load of boxes,
sandwich in pocket, he said that tears streamed down the cheeks of the
young Nazi guard.
I want to believe that this young Nazi was not an exception, and
that, conversely, the many egregious Christian examples Carroll cites are
likewise exceptions (as were the Muslim terrorists), that neither
collective Germany nor the church “as such” is solely responsible for the
Holocaust. Individuals had choices to make, and their choices
mattered. The problem with speculating about the complex personal choices
forced upon a Nazi soldier or wartime priest is that we today have
hindsight and they did not. The truly complex question is how to relate
individual, free moral choice and institutional, collective identity
without embracing either historical determinism or the denial of personal
responsibility.
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See Victoria Barnett, trans., Wolfgang Gerlach, And the Witnesses Were
Silent; The Confessing Church and the Jews (Lincoln: University of
Nebraska Press, 2000); and For the Soul of the People; Protestant Protest
Against Hitler (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); John Cornwell,
Hitler's Pope; The Secret History of Pius XII (New York, Viking, 1999);
Daniel Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners; Ordinary Germans and the
Holocaust (New York: Knopf, 1996); Guenther Lewy, The Catholic Church and
Nazi Germany (NY: McGraw-Hill, 1964); Michael Phayer, The Catholic Church
and the Holocaust, 193l–1965 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
2000); Ronald Rychlak's sympathetic treatment of Pius XII that is a
rebuttal of Cornwell, Hitler, The War and the Pope (Columbus, Miss.:
Genesis Press, 2000); and Susan Zuccotti, Under His Very Windows; The
Vatican and the Holocaust in Italy (New Haven; Yale University Press,
2001).
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Victoria Barnett, “Guilt and Complexity,” The Christian Century (October 10, 2001), pp. 26–27.
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Thomas Noble, “Constantine's Sword,” First Things (May 2001), pp. 59–63.
The Journey with Jesus: Notes to Myself
Copyright ©2001 by Dan Clendenin. All Rights Reserved.
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